A comparison between the views of Anderson and Silvers
The similarities shown
above show that Silvers and Anderson offer the same alternative conception of
justice. The only negligible differences are: 1) The slight change in language and
2) That Anderson goes farther in her claims, making larger assertions. With
these points made however, neither Silvers nor Anderson’s theories are
persuasive. For starters, it is very difficult for equalizing “distributive”
policies to be neatly separated from purely formal antidiscrimination. In other
words, by the nature of policies, the resulting consequences will most likely
produce this indirect effect of distribution, which leads to discrimination. This result can be through tangible and
intangible resources. If one seeks to only to alter the environment,
nondisabled people will still feel guilty and possess a sense of pity because of
the inherent differences that cause disabled people to live non-normative lives.
While the resources may be tangible, they still are visible and apparent. There
is legitimate proof, that a form of aid is going toward disabled people. Whether
the aid is actually helpful….. is another debate.
References:
Elizabeth Anderson “What is the Point of Equality?” Ethics 109 no 2 (1999) 287-337
Sharing numerous arguments
with Silvers’ “Formal Justice” is Anderson’s “Democratic Equality”. Similar to
Formal Justice, the Democratic Equality conception submits that justice as
equality seeks to end socially oppressive relationships. Anderson writes,
“Positively, the claim asserts that all competent adults are equally moral agents:
everyone equally has the power to develop and exercise moral responsibility, to
cooperate with others according to principles of justice, to shape and fulfill
a conception of their good.” (Anderson 312) For Democratic Equality, an ideal
society has social conditions where everyone’s freedom is secured. Legitimate
relationships with fundamental equality, equal respect, and real freedom to
participate in democratic self-government are a basic threshold of liberties.
Democratic Equality has three central spheres important to its axiom. The first
sphere is functioning as a human being. This requires access to sustaining
one’s biological existence (food, shelter, clothing health care) and access to
human agency such as knowledge of one’s circumstances and options, the ability
to deliberate about means and ends, and the ability to think and judge for
oneself including freedom of thought and movement.
The second sphere is
functioning as a participant in a system of cooperative production. This
requires access to education, means of production, and fair contracts.
Additionally, the second sphere includes recognition for productive
contribution, and the right to receive the fair value for one’s labor. Finally,
the last sphere is functioning as a citizen in a democratic state. This
requires access to political participation such as freedom of speech and
franchise, as goods/services/relationships in civil society, including access
to public spaces, access to public accommodations, and the social conditions of
being accepted by others. (Anderson 317-318) The societal obstacles mentioned
by Silvers, should not exist in society according to Anderson. Holding a
similar view to Silvers, Anderson suggests that luck egalitarianism wrongly
focuses attention on the distribution of privately owned goods among
individuals. The most important matter is equal moral value or equality in
human relationships. Democratic Equality guarantees equality across various
capabilities, and equal and effective access to all levels in society. Putting
Democratic Equality in terms of people with disabilities, it aims to
reconfigure public spaces to make them accessible and adapt work situations to the
needs of people with disabilities in order to participate in productive
activity.
By initially outlining their
respective arguments, one can see similarities between Silvers and Anderson.
Both offer the same alternative conception of justice. That is, by altering the
environment in which disabled people live in,
and restructuring various aspects of society in order to include people
with disabilities. Each author lays the foundation for their argument based off
of all citizens possessing equal moral value. This is the job of the government
in society. The government assures that all citizens have the freedom of
participation and association, i.e. free of social barriers. As seen in the
last sphere of Democratic Equality, the goods/services/relationships that civil
society calls for are the exact same things Silver asks for when she says,
“principles and practices” that “should be constructed to be neutral in respect
to whether person are normal, or impaired” (Silvers 16), as referenced
before. Justice should only assure a
basic capability threshold. Silvers says this is all disabled people want (a basic
threshold), while Anderson goes further stating that justice should be
unconcerned about the life after that threshold is established. Both authors
argue against distributive equalizing methods as the primary resource for
incorporating disabled people into society. Both build off of the claim that it
is morally bad if people are badly or worse off through no fault of their own.
What Silvers calls
distributive justice, Anderson calls this “Luck Egalitarianism”. Anderson has
one criticism of “Luck Egalitarianism” that aligns with Silvers’ philosophy. It
is that: 1)It is that Luck Egalitarianism takes the distribution of goods and
resources to be morally important in its own right, but the concern of social
justice should be the quality of human relationships The connection with this
criticism is fairly clear. Both authors contest the idea of giving handouts in
order to equalize. With Distributive Justice, happiness for the population is
the end goal, but it should not be. Freedom of equality should be the
objective.
Another similarity emerges
from Silvers and Anderson’s respective philosophies. Silvers uses the concepts
of institutionalism, devaluation, and guiltiness to support her claim.
Similarly, Anderson uses a comparison between pity and. compassion to justify
herself. Beginning with Silvers, disabled people have been institutionalized
because the social institutions treat disabled people as dependents. This leads
to their devaluation in society, thinking of them as deficient, needing
“special benefits, entitlements, and exemptions to sustain them in their
exclusion from the mainstreams of commercial and civic life.” (Silvers 138) This
notion leads to a final step where nondisabled people feel guilty for both a
disabled person’s situation, and the fear of insensitivity. Analogous with this
claim is pity for Anderson. Pity similarly balances the suffering in the
relationship. Anderson writes, “Pity, by contrast, is aroused by a comparison
of the observer’s condition with the condition of the object of pity. Its
characteristic judgment is not ‘‘she is badly off’’ but ‘‘she is worse off than
me.’’ (Silvers 306-307) Compassion instead relieves the suffering. Both
concepts allude to the same fundamental concept of not justifying a disabled
person’s position by means of equalization, in this case, by artificial
emotional support.
References:
Elizabeth Anderson “What is the Point of Equality?” Ethics 109 no 2 (1999) 287-337
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